Revolt in Canada
English law had been established there by
proclamation in 1763, but by the wise Act of 1774
French civil law was restored, and free exercise of
the Roman Catholic religion guaranteed. Probably all
would have gone tranquilly with the Province had its
French population been left to themselves. But they
had restless neighbours in Upper Canada. Englishmen,
and especially Scots and Ulstermen, had settled
there in large numbers, busy, pushing men of
business, traders, and farmers, developing their
land with energy, overflowing, as their children
multiplied, into the territory of their French
fellow-subjects, and there forming a British party,
impatient of the antique legal procedure, the
foreign law of land tenure, and the sleepy,
unbusinesslike ways of the Lower Province. Hence
arose friction which soon became chronic. The
Legislative Council, nominees of the Crown,
naturally favoured the British section, thereby
finding themselves at issue with the Representative
Assembly. Discontent had been smouldering for many
years, and at last matters came to a crisis. The
Representative Assembly resolved to resist further
encroachment. Headed by Louis Papineau, a militia
officer and Member for Montreal, they drew up a
protest and laid their grievances before the
Governor, Lord Gosford.
They complained of arbitrary
infringement of the Constitution and other matters,
demanded that the Legislative Council should be made
elective, and ended by refusing to vote supplies.
Public meetings were held, and addressed in
inflammatory language by Papineau, who dwelt on the
example set by the United States in resisting
tyranny. Lord Gosford met matters with a high hand.
Warrants were issued for the arrest of certain
representatives ; resistance to their execution
resulted in violence, and the transition to
rebellion was as speedy as probably it was
involuntary. Proximus ardet - the flame spread to
Upper Canada, of which the people had grievances of
their own, though of a different kind from those of
their French neighbours, and a rising took place
under the leadership of one McKenzie, a
revolutionary journalist. But the chief danger arose
from the sympathetic action of certain American
citizens, who, to the number of several hundreds,
assembled under a person named Van Rensselaer, and
took possession of Navy Island in the Niagara
River, forming part of Canadian territory. At the
present day, with the dense population of the United
States and rapid means of transit, such a position
of affairs would undoubtedly prove extremely
critical; happily the British authorities proved
able to deal with it successfully. The rebels being
ill-prepared for impromptu war, Lord Gosford put
down the rising in Lower Canada, though not without
considerable bloodshed. In Upper Canada, the
Governor, Major Head, better known afterwards as Sir
Francis Head, an amusing writer, sent every regular
soldier at his command to the assistance of Lord
Gosford, and, declaring he would rely on the loyal
Canadians to suppress the rebellion, handed over
6,000 stand of arms to the Mayor of Toronto. The
people responded gallantly, delighted by this mark
of confidence ; ten or twelve thousand men assembled
under arms, and a single encounter with McKenzie's
force was enough to decide the fate of the revolt.
Desultory skirmishing took place with bodies of
American " sympathisers " at various points along
the frontier before the affair could be said to be
over, and there can be no doubt that, had the United
States Government adopted a less friendly attitude,
British rule in Canada might have stood in very
great jeopardy.
The
Imperial Parliament was summoned to meet on January
16, 1838, to consider the Canadian situation. A Bill
was introduced suspending the Constitution of Lower
Canada, and empowering the Queen to appoint a
Governor and Special Council, who should assume for
the time all the functions of the legislature in
that Province. The Duke of Wellington, as leader of
the Opposition in the Lords, and Sir Robert Peel in
the Commons, supported the Government, and the only
opposition was offered by the Radicals. Brougham
attacked the Bill in a speech of which Melbourne
complained as " a most laboured and extreme
concentration of bitterness." In the other House the
chief point of interest to readers of the debate at
this day lies in a speech by Mr. W. E. Gladstone,
the Tory Member for Newark, who taunted Mr. Joseph
Hume and the Radicals with their failure to perform
in session their boastful promises during the
recess.
The
Governor appointed under the Act was the Earl of
Durham, a man of remarkable ability, who had
embraced Radical principles with great ardour. This,
however, did not prevent him interpreting his office
as that of a practical dictator-he far exceeded the
powers vested in him by the Act. In dealing with
offenders he would not stoop to the only way of
obtaining convictions - that of packing juries - and
adopted the arbitrary course of ordering into exile
those connected with the late rebellion, on pain of
death if they returned.
Looking back to the existing state of things, it is
impossible to question the real clemency and wisdom
of the new Governor's ordinances ; nevertheless,
they were at once attacked in the Imperial
Parliament, and vigorously denounced as tyrannical
and unconstitutional. Lord Durham had made many
enemies in both Houses. Lord Lyndhurst and the
Tories joined forces with Lord Brougham and the
Radicals in pressing Ministers to disallow the
ordinances of which they had already approved.
Brougham perceived the opportunity of discomfiting
the hated Melbourne, and he pressed it. The Ministry
were not strong enough to resist. Lord Durham was
recalled, and, though his recommendations were
ultimately carried into effect by making Canada a
self-governing colony, he never recovered the
unmerited disgrace he had suffered. Proud,
impetuous, and sensitive, he fell into ill-health,
and died in 184o at the age of forty-eight. His end
must ever be regarded as one of those misfortunes
arising out of Party government, for his policy has
been amply vindicated since, lying as it does at the
foundation of the whole modern scheme of Colonial
government.